Wikileaks: el entorno de Keiko Fujimori según cables diplomáticos

id: 60170 date: 4/11/2006 19:34 refid: 06LIMA1406 origin: Embassy Lima classification: CONFIDENTIAL destination: header: VZCZCXYZ0000 PP RUEHWEB DE RUEHPE #1406 1011934 ZNY CCCCC ZZH P 111934Z APR 06 FM AMEMBASSY LIMA TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9734 INFO RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA 3248 RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 9311 RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ APR QUITO 0239 RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 0416 RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 6670 RUEHGL/AMCONSUL GUAYAQUIL 4213 RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC RHMFISS/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL ----------------- header ends ---------------- C O N F I D E N T I A L LIMA 001406 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/11/2016 TAGS: PGOV, PINR, PE SUBJECT: FUJIMORISTAS DELIGHTED WITH ELECTION RESULTS AND LOOKING TO DEAL WITH APRA, BUT KEEPING THE DOOR OPEN TO HUMALA REF: 05 LIMA 5396 Classified By: Political Counselor Alexander Margulies. Reason: 1.4(d) . 1. (C) Jaime Yoshiyama, former Minister and President of Congress under Alberto Fujimori and top advisor to Santiago Fujimori, Alberto's brother and the Fujimorista Alliance for the Future (AF) party's candidate for First Vice President and Congress, was jubilant over the election results during a 4/11 breakfast with Polcouns. Yoshiyama said that the AF expected to win at least 15 seats in the new legislature, which would give it bargaining power with the two candidates in the second-round run-off to exchange AF's support in return for "guarantees" that Fujimori and former officials of his regime would receive "just treatment." 2. (C) According to Yoshiyama: -- Alberto Fujimori has communicated from his detention in Chile that he is "very pleased" with the election results. -- In addition to AF's strong showing in the congressional races, the Fujimoristas were delighted to see that their principle political enemies, Fernando Olivera's Independent Moralizing Front (FIM) party and Valentin Paniagua's Centrist Front, did so poorly (the FIM does not look like it will qualify for congressional representation, while Paniagua is on track to receive less than six percent of the vote and the Centrist Front legislative slate no more than a handful seats). -- AF will also have a highly competent legislative bloc, headed Keiko Fujimori (Alberto's daughter and former First Lady), with the brains supplied by Santiago Fujimori, former Congress President Martha Hildebrandt, and Alberto Fujimori's lawyer, Rolando Sousa. -- Santiago Fujimori will request permission to depart the country (he is being tried on corruption charges) to visit his brother and seek specific guidance on how AF should conduct its negotiations with the two candidates in the second-round presidential run-off vote, whom the Fujimoristas expect will be Union por el Peru's Ollanta Humala and APRA's Alan Garcia. -- The Fujimoristas currently plan to negotiate principally with APRA, whose leaders they view as capable and responsible, as well as people with whom they feel they can "do business." -- The Fujimoristas will also keep the door open to Humala, both as an incentive for APRA to negotiate in good faith, and as an insurance policy. While the Fujimoristas question the UPP candidate's economic policies and ability to govern, they do not/not demonize him. 3. (C) COMMENT: The election results to date are everything the Fujimoristas hoped for (Reftel): a significant congressional bloc (at least the fourth largest in the next legislature), the most voted for congressional candidate (Keiko Fujimori), affirmation of large popular support for Alberto Fujimori, and the defeat of their most inveterate political opponents. While Yoshiyama stated that the Fujimoristas would prefer to swing a deal with Alan Garcia for the second round, he was also clear that they are prepared to talk turkey with Humala should the negotiations with APRA prove unproductive. END COMMENT. POWERS =======================CABLE ENDS============================ id: 49611 date: 1/12/2006 14:04 refid: 06LIMA123 origin: Embassy Lima classification: UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY destination: 06LIMA5332|06LIMA5396 header: VZCZCXYZ0001 PP RUEHWEB DE RUEHPE #0123/01 0121404 ZNR UUUUU ZZH P 121404Z JAN 06 FM AMEMBASSY LIMA TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 8033 INFO RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA 2829 RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 6426 RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 8880 RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ JAN QUITO 9901 RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 0052 RUEHGL/AMCONSUL GUAYAQUIL 4069 RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC RHMFIUU/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL RHEFDIA/DIA WASHDC ----------------- header ends ---------------- UNCLAS LIMA 000123 SIPDIS SENSITIVE SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV, PINR, PE SUBJECT: RECORD 24 PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES REGISTERED; FUJIMORI'S CANDIDACY REJECTED REF: A. LIMA 5396 (05) B. LIMA 5332 (05) Sensitive but Unclassified. Please protect accordingly. ---------- SUMMARY ---------- 1. (U) A record 24 parties/alliances met the 1/9 deadline to apply to register their presidential tickets for the April election. Ex-President Alberto Fujimori's bid to head the Si Cumple party ticket was rejected by the Lima Special Electoral Board, but is being appealed to the National Electoral Board (JNE), which is expected to render a decision by the end of the week. End Summary. ------------------------------------- TWENTY-FOUR CANDIDATES TO CHOOSE FROM ------------------------------------- 2. (U) Twenty-four parties/alliances applied to register their presidential candidates with the Lima Special Electoral Board (JEE) by the 1/9 filing deadline for the 4/9 elections. This is the largest number of presidential candidates in Peru's history. The previous high was 18 in 1980; in 2001 there were only eight. The JEE is in the process of reviewing the registration applications, publishing an announcement of each application that meets the legal requirements in the Legal Norms official gazette. Following publication, members of the public have two days in which to submit challenges to a an application. 3. (SBU) Alberto Fujimori's party, Si Cumple (He Delivers), sought to register Fujimori as its presidential candidate. The JEE rejected this, in a resolution published on 1/10, which concluded that the 2001 vote by Congress disqualifying Fujimori from holding public office for 10 years also precluded him from running for public office. Si Cumple's leadership vowed to appeal this decision to the National Electoral Board (JNE) and threatened to stage massive public protests. Meanwhile, Alianza por el Futuro (the alliance of pro-Fujimori parties Cambio 90 and Nuevo Mayoria) submitted Congresswoman Martha Chavez as its presidential candidate. Chavez made it clear that she is running as Fujimori's proxy. (COMMENT: This two pronged Fujimorista approach of attempting to run Fujimori on the Si Cumple ticket, while preparing a fall-back candidacy on the Alianza por el Futuro slate has been planned by the Fujimoristas for some time (Ref B). END COMMENT.) 5. (SBU) The presidential tickets that have submitted their registration requests are: THE MAJOR CANDIDATES -------------------- -- Unidad Nacional (National Unity) alliance, headed by Lourdes FLORES Nano. Flores was a Congresswoman in 1990 and 1995 and ran for President in 2001, finishing in third place. The First Vice President candidate is Arturo WOODSMAN Pollit, a businessman and engineer with a long history of public service, most recently heading Peru's successful hosting of the FIFA Under 17 Soccer World Championship. The Second Vice President candidate is Luis Enrique CARPOI Ascuna, Dean of the Catholic University in Arequipa. Unidad Nacional is considered center-right in its political orientation. -- Frente del Centro (Centrist Front) alliance, headed by Valentin PANIAGUA Corazao. Paniagua was the transition President after Fujimori resigned in 2000. He has a long history of public service under other administrations as Minister of Justice and Education and as a former Congressman. The First Vice President candidate is Alberto ANDRADE Carmona, former Mayor of Lima. The Second Vice President candidate is Gonzalo German AGUIRRE Arriz, businessman and Secretary General of the Independent National Coordinating party. The Frente del Centro is considered to be center-left in orientation. -- Partido Aprista Peruano (APRA) headed by Alan GARCIA Perez. Garcia served as President from 1985-90 and ran for President in 2001, finishing second. The First Vice President candidate is Luis GIAMPETRI Rojas, a retired Vice-Admiral. The Second Vice President candidate is Lourdes MENDOZA del Solar the Deputy Mayor of Arequipa. APRA has no easy ideological characterization, being populist in rhetoric but capable of adjusting its policies to the requirements of the moment. -- Partido Nacionalista Uniendo al Peru (Nationalist Party Uniting Peru), formerly Union por el Peru (Union for Peru), headed by Ollanta HUMALA Tasso. (Note: The party registered with the JEE as "Union por el Peru" but subsequently voted to change its name. End Note.) Ollanta Humala is a retired Army Lieutenant Colonel. He is running as an ultra-nationalist, anti-system candidate aligned with Venezuela's Hugo Chavez and Bolivia's Evo Morales. He, along with his brother Antauro (currently on trial for leading the January 2005 rebellion in Andahuaylas that resulted in five deaths), led a small military rebellion against the Fujimori regime in 2000. After spending some time in jail, he was pardoned by the Paniagua interim government, reinstated in the Army, and served under the Toledo Administration as a military attache in Paris and South Korea before being retired in December 2004. The First Vice President candidate is Gonzalo Raul GARCIA Nunez, an engineer on the Board of the Central Reserve Bank. The Second Vice President candidate is Carlos Alberto TORRES Caro, a lawyer for the Humala family, who previously served as a prosecutor under, and reportedly had close ties with, pro-Fujimori Attorney General Blanca Nelida Colan. THE MINOR CANDIDATES -------------------- -- Alianza para el Progreso (Alliance for Progress): Natale Juan AMPRIMO Pla. Amprimo is a Congressman representing Lima. Formerly with Alberto Andrade's (of the Centrist Front) Somos Peru party, Amprimo renounced that tie in 2005, then failed in efforts to create a new congressional bloc composed of young legislators. He is considered center-left. -- Alianza por el Futuro (Alliance for the Future), Martha CHAVEZ Cossio. Chavez is a long-time Fujimori supporter who recently was absolved of corruption charges and resumed her seat in Congress following a four-year suspension. Her First Vice President running-mate is Santiago FUJIMORI, the ex-President's brother. -- Avanza Pais (Country Advances), Ulises HUMALA Tasso. Ultra-nationalist Ulises Humala is the older brother of Ollanta and Antauro. He is a professor at the National Engineering University. His First Vice Presidential running mate is party founder Pedro CENAS Casamayor. -- Con Fuerza Peru (Peru with Force), Peter KOECHLIN. Koechlin is a businessman and President of Wayra Peru, a new Peruvian airline that has yet to get off the ground. -- Concertacion Descentralista (Decentralized Agreement), Susana Maria del Carmen VILLARAN de la Puente. Villaran is leader of the Social Democracy Party and was Minister of Women's Affairs during the 2000 transition government. She is considered center-left. -- Frente Amplio de Izquierda (Broad Front of the Left), Alberto MORENO Rojas del Rio. This party was formerly the Movimiento Nuevo Izquierda (New Left Movement). Moreno is the founder and Secretary General of the Communist Party of Peru Red Fatherland. His First Vice President candidate is Juan Jose Gorriti Valle, Secretary General of the Workers Confederation of Peru (CGTP). -- Frente Independiente Moralizador party (FIM - Independent Moralizing Front), Fernando OLIVERA Vega. Olivera is leader and founder of the party. He was a Congressman in the 1990's and served under the Toledo Administration as Minister of Justice and Ambassador to Spain. In August 2005, Toledo appointed the un-popular Olivera as Foreign Minister sparking the resignation of his Prime Minister and a cabinet crisis resolved when Olivera was asked to resign after one day in office. Olivera ran for President in 2001 and placed forth with just under 10% of the vote. He is considered center-left. -- Fuerza Democratica (Democratic Force), Alberto Alfonso BOREA Odria. Borea was previously Peru's Ambassador to the Organization of American States and headed the Democractic Forum, an organization that opposed the authoritarian Fujimori regime. He is considered center-left. -- Justicia Nacional (National Justice), Jaime Eduardo SALINAS Lopez-Torres. Salinas is a U.S.-educated businessman who unsuccessfully ran for Mayor of Lima in 2002. He and his father, Gen. (R) Jaime Salinas, were detained for attempting a coup against the Fujimori regime. He is considered center-right. -- Partido Socialista (Socialist Party), Javier Diez CANSECO Cisneros. Canseco is a congressman for Lima and leader of the Socialist Party. He is considered to be a pro-Castro Marxist. -- Peru Ahora (Peru Now), Luis GUERRERO Figueroa. Guerrero is a pro-coca congressman from Cajamarca, where he twice served as provincial mayor. He is considered to be a leftist. -- Peru Posible (Peru Possible), Rafael Luis BELAUNDE Aubry. Belaunde is an engineer and the son of former President Fernando Belaunde. He formerly served as a Senator with the Accion Popular (Popular Action) party. His First Vice President candidate is Carlos BRUCE Montes de Oca, former Minister of the Presidency and Minister of Housing under President Toledo. His Second Vice Presidential candidate is Romulo MUCHO Mamani who previously served as Vice-Minister of Energy and Mines and recently became a Congressman representing Puno. Belaunde is a political maverick, and Peru Posible, although President Toledo's party, has not been known for its ideological consistency. -- Progresemos Peru (Peru Let's Progress), Javier ESPINOZA Ayaipoma. Little is known of Espinoza or his party. -- Proyecto Pais (Country Project), Marco Antonio ARRUNATEGUI. Arrunategui ran for President in 2001, but placed seventh garnering less than 1% of the vote. He currently is charged with pedophilia and pimping, but asserts his innocence. -- Reconstrucion Democratica (Democratic Reconstruction), Jose Guillermo Juan CARDO Guarderas. Cardo is a sociologist who has taught for 20 years in Mexico. He failed to register another party, Insurgencia Renovadora (Renewing Insurgence). -- Renacamiento Andino (Andean Rebirth), Ciro Alfredo GALVEZ Herrera. Galvez is a lawyer and the party's founder. He ran for President under the same party in 2001 placing sixth with less than 1% of the votes. -- Restauracion Nacional (National Restoration), Humberto LAY Sun. Lay is an evangelical pastor and former member of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. His First Vice President candidate is Maximo San Roman, who served as Alberto Fujimori's First Vice President but split with Fujimori over the 1992 auto-coup. -- Resurgimiento Peruano (Peruvian Resurgence), Antero ASTO Flores - Asto is a lawyer and the party's founder. He unsuccessfully ran for President in 2001. -- Si Cumple (He Delivers), Alberto FUJIMORI Fujimori. Si Cumple, as noted, sought to register former President Alberto Fujimori as its candidate. Should the JNE uphold the JEE's rejection of Fujimori's candidacy, then the party will not/not at this stage be entitled to replace him with another candidate and will not/not run a presidential ticket. -- Y se Llama Peru (And It is Called Peru). Ricardo WONG. Wong is the party founder and a businessman who imports fireworks. He was linked to the fireworks that led to the Mesa Redonda fire that resulted in the death of over 200 people. ---------- COMMENT ---------- 5. (SBU) The plethora of presidential candidates has generated criticism from politicians and commentators alike, who note that it reflects the disunity of the political class, as well as the disorganization and lack of representativeness of the traditional political parties. Given that parties must obtain at least four percent of the legislative vote in order to maintain their registration, it is expected that most of the smaller parties will disappear after the 4/9 election. The electoral prospects for the registered candidates should become clearer after publication of the next nationwide APOYO poll on 1/15. Additional biographic data on some of these candidates is available on Post's SIPRNET site http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/wha/lima/index.cf m . END COMMENT. STRUBLE =======================CABLE ENDS============================ id: 53363 date: 2/16/2006 21:49 refid: 06LIMA658 origin: Embassy Lima classification: UNCLASSIFIED destination: 06LIMA307 header: VZCZCXYZ0006 RR RUEHWEB DE RUEHPE #0658/01 0472149 ZNR UUUUU ZZH R 162149Z FEB 06 FM AMEMBASSY LIMA TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 8767 INFO RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA 2992 RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 6516 RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 9089 RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ FEB QUITO 0032 RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 0198 RHMFIUU/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL ----------------- header ends ---------------- UNCLAS LIMA 000658 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV, PINS, PTER, PHUM, PE SUBJECT: HUMALA DOWN BUT STILL AHEAD IN PUNO REF: A. LIMA 307 B. DRAFT 2005 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT C. 05 LIMA 3267 -------- Summary: -------- 1. A recent trip to Puno provided insights into ultra-nationalist, radical, anti-system candidate Ollanta Humala's support in this rural and traditionally more radical region of Peru (Ref C). Humala's popularity in Puno has been dented but not fatally damaged by political problems within his party and recent revelations that he may be guilty of human rights violations. Despite these, in areas outside the city of Puno, Humala remains the candidate of choice for impoverished small agriculturalists who long for an authoritarian "tough guy" leader in the mold of former President Fujimori, someone who can get things done and produce favors for farmers. End Summary. 2. Poloff interviewed a variety of local contacts during a 2/10-2/12 trip to Puno with visiting Washington analysts. The trip focused on Ollanta Humala's level of support in this rural, historically radical region. Those interviewed included: representatives of the regional government (Hugo Munoz Guerra and Victor Ciro Quispe Nina); the Dean of the local Journalists Association (Leoncio Aleman); the Rector of the National University of the Highlands (Martha Tapia); two representatives of the local NGO "Network Peru" (Jorge Romero and Javier Molina); a representative of the Catholic Church affiliated, pro-farmer NGO the Center for Peasant Training (CCCP) (Ricardo Vega); and the director of a USDOL financed program to promote early childhood education and fight child labor (Ernesto Garcia). All know the Puno region well and offered insights into the politics of this rural region likely to be a bastion of support for Humala. ------------------------------------ Ollanta Down But Not Necessarily Out ------------------------------------ 3. Recent problems within the Union for Peru (UPP) and Peruvian Nationalist Party (PNP) alliance as well as revelations about possible human rights violations have hurt Humala's support. Most observers interviewed thought that Humala had peaked too early and would not win the presidency. Chaos in Humala's party structure has undercut his credibility as both a figure who could bring order and as a non-traditional "Mr. Clean" outsider. Leoncio Aleman pointed out that in Puno both the UPP and the PNP were submitting separate congressional lists. More than one observer cited the presence of a well-known local political opportunist, Juan Jose Vega, on Humala's initial congressional ticket (Vega has since been pulled from the list) as the kind of association that had compromised Humala's image with local voters. For Puno voters, the image of chaos in Humala's political party has done him far more damage than accusations of human rights violations. All contacts agreed that Puno voters are not interested in democracy, but instead long for a Fujimori-like strong man who can bring order and get things done. ------------------------------------- Durable Elements in Humala's Support ------------------------------------- 4. While Humala has problems within his organization, has made some bad associations, and his campaign presents a picture of chaos, most of those interviewed emphasized that his support has durable elements, particularly with rural small farmers. Jorge Romero, stressed the long-term groundwork laid by Ollanta Humala's brother, Antauro, over the last five years. Romero described how many male children from rural families go into the army for at least one tour, pass through the military and then return to their home villages and cannot find a job. The Ethnocaceristas, he said, wisely targeted this demographic in forming the ranks of their uniformed "reservists," who have spent the last five years selling the newspaper "Ollanta" throughout the countryside. (Note: After the alleged break between Ollanta and his brothers Antauro and Ulises Humala, the newspaper was renamed "Antauro." End Note.) The "reservist" label provided a job of sorts (selling the newspaper on commission) and, above all, a self-esteem boosting identity as a foot soldier in a pro-coca, pro-cobrizo (person of indigenous background), ultra-nationalist movement for young campesino men who had recently finished military service. Local contacts said that two or three reservists from Puno participated in Antauro Humala's 2005 New Year's Eve Revolt in Andahuaylas and several others in the Humala Brothers' earlier rebellion in 2000. 5. Humala has inherited a strong legacy of local support for former President Alberto Fujimori. In the countryside, "El Chino" (Peruvians ethnic-nickname for Fujimori) remains very popular, remembered for regular visits that left gifts of tractors to local communities and for having overseen the construction of paved roads between both Puno and Cusco and Puno and Arequipa, according to Hugo Munoz and Ciro Quispe. While questions about Hulala's character have surfaced in news reports on television and in radio, the anti-system voters have no place else to go and tend to reflexively distrust the judgments of the Lima media. Martha Chavez has only captured a part of the local anti-system vote so far, because Fujimori is the person Puno farmers most closely associate with tough-guy leadership as well as government benevolence. 6. Questioned about the possibility that the candidacy of Ulises Humala (Ollanta's older brother) for President might cut into Ollanta's vote, local contacts said that anti-system voters do not care about the split between the Humala Brothers. They are convinced that this is a tactical maneuver for the election and see a vote for Ollanta as a vote for change. Journalist Leoncio Aleman noted a possible weakness in Ollanta Humala's local advertising, which does not stress his party's symbol. He said some rural voters might become confused between the two and split their votes by accident. -------------- The Evo Effect -------------- 7. Puno is tied closely to Bolivia. Smuggling from Bolivia is one of the main economic activities and many local Aymara speakers consider themselves to be part of a common Bolivian-Peruvian ethnic "nation." As such, our local contacts emphasized that Evo Morales' win in Bolivia created a wave of pro-indigenous feeling that benefits Humala. Rural Puno voters, University of the Highlands Dean Martha Tapia stressed, are quite racist in their thinking. (Tapia is a trained veterinarian who works in rural areas.) They resent anyone who is a "misti" (i.e. a white person from the cities). They see Ollanta Humala as a "misti" as well, but as one who understands their problems. -------------------------- Some Radical Recrudescence -------------------------- 8. Sendero Luminoso is making a comeback in some rural areas, according to Tapia. She spoke with frustration about how a small number of radical students (maximum 500 of a total student population of 15,000) can cripple her university at will with the aid of politically extremist sympathizers on the faculty. Tapia related how during travels into the countryside she has heard that Sendero Luminoso is regrouping in rural areas. When asked to provide details, she conceded that she could not, stating that "there are certain things one doesn't ask about" while working in remote regions. Tapia maintained that Sendero's new strategy is non-violent, and involves penetrating organizations to ensure that nothing works, so that people are driven to search for radical alternatives. --------------------------------------------- Humala Predominates, But Puno Not Locked Down --------------------------------------------- 9. Humala remains the candidate of choice for many rural voters in this historically radical region. Nonetheless, cracks in his support could open some inroads for other candidates. A visit by Humala to Puno two weeks ago did not produce an overwhelming turnout. About two hundred of his followers crowded the local plaza, the rest of the crowd made up of the curious. Alan Garcia attracted a similar sized crowd during an earlier visit, and many local women in the city of Puno are attracted to Lourdes Flores' candidacy. 10. Leoncio Aleman thought that Garcia could recover support in Puno. Ricardo Vega agreed, stating that Garcia is remembered for having distributed land to campesinos in the 1980s. (Though this policy ultimately proved economically disastrous, creating many nonviable, tiny land holdings, in popular memory Garcia still gets points for handing out land titles.) All interviewed emphasized that rural voters are looking for the candidate who will do something for them, who will provide credits, build roads, or promote programs that favor the region's small farmers, many of whom live off intermittent comercial activity (like smuggling) and work tiny inherited plots of land to provide sustenance for their families. ------------------------ Congressional Candidates ------------------------ 11. Leoncio Aleman and others pedicted politically fragmented results in congressional elections for Puno. A likely winner is incumbent Congress member Jhonny Lezcano, who is seen by locals as having done a good job. (Note: the Puno Congressional Delegation was not noted for its statesmanship. One member, Congress Representative Torres Ccalla, was recently sentenced to eight years in prison for moving an underage staffer to Lima so that he could exploit her sexually -- Refs A, B. End Note.) Lezcano represented the Popular Accion Party (AP) and is now running in the number one spot on presidential candidate Valentin Paniagua's list. Aleman was convinced that the other parties would split up the rest of the seats, with Lourdes Flores, Alan Garcia, Valentin Paniagua, and Humala's candidates dividing the remainder of the seats. --------------------------------- Comment: Humala's Hidden Support? --------------------------------- 12. Puno's poverty and tradition of anti-system radicalism make the area a key potential base for Ollanta Humala. Stories about chaos in Humala's campaign and, to a far lesser degree, revelations about human rights violations have dented but certainly not fatally damaged his local support. It remains to be seen if Humala's recent actions to purge his congressional list (he recently replaced 13 candidates of questionable character) will enable him to regain lost ground by proving his credentials as the kind of saloon-clearing, authoritarian "tough guy" that rural protest voters in Puno and other areas are seeking. Since many Humala voters live in remote areas, opinion polls could underestimate possible additional support for Peru's ultra-nationalist, anti-system candidate. End Comment. POWERS =======================CABLE ENDS============================ id: 66518 date: 6/2/2006 19:44 refid: 06LIMA2197 origin: Embassy Lima classification: UNCLASSIFIED destination: 06LIMA2165 header: VZCZCXYZ0003 PP RUEHWEB DE RUEHPE #2197 1531944 ZNR UUUUU ZZH P 021944Z JUN 06 FM AMEMBASSY LIMA TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0823 INFO RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA 3497 RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 6821 RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 9565 RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ JUN QUITO 0428 RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 0610 RUEHGL/AMCONSUL GUAYAQUIL 4272 RUMIAAA/CDR USCINCSO MIAMI FL ----------------- header ends ---------------- UNCLAS LIMA 002197 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV, PINR, PE SUBJECT: NO SURPRISES AS PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES HOLD THEIR CAMPAIGN CLOSING RALLIES REF: A. LIMA 2165 B. LIMA 2110 1. SUMMARY: There were no surprises as APRA's Alan Garcia and Union por el Peru's (UPP) Ollanta Humala held large rallies on 6/1, the final day for campaigning before the 6/4 run-off election. Garcia addressed an estimated 25,000 supporters in central Lima, promising "responsible change" and an inclusive government, providing assurances that he learned from the mistakes of his 1985-90 presidency, and warning that Humala represented a return to "right-wing militarism." Humala, who drew an estimated 10,000 followers to a 5/31 rally in a poor Lima suburb, held his final gathering on 6/1 before some 6,000 faithful in Cuzco. He promised to implement a "great transformation" in politics, starting with a new Constitution, criticized Garcia's prior government, and accused the APRA candidate of being in league with ex-President Alberto Fujimori's former spymaster Vladimiro Montesinos. END SUMMARY. 2. Garcia's rally attracted what the National Police estimated as 25,000 people to the Naval Heroes Plaza that fronts the Sheraton Hotel and Palace of Justice in downtown Lima. Garcia continued his attacks on Humala painting him as a militarist option and a return to old, failed policies of the past in contrast to Garcia's promotion of "responsible change." The APRA leader was careful to acknowledge the failures of his previous presidency, promising this time to provide a solid, stable economy without the waiting lines for basic necessities that many older voters associate with his administration. He emphasized his six government themes: patriotism, democracy, an end to politics-as-usual, creation of jobs, labor rights, and social rights, and reiterated specific campaign promises: cutting GOP salaries in half; reducing fees for electricity, telephone, and natural gas; bringing water to 500,000 Lima residents, and reducing officials' travel and expenses. Appealing to anti-Chilean sentiment, he pledged to take advantage of Peru's natural resources and convert Peru into a country more developed than its neighbor to the south. 3. Humala closed out his campaign in Cuzco's main plaza with a crowd estimated by the National Police at 6,000. His final Lima rally, held the day before in the poor suburb of San Juan de Lurigancho, attracted some 10,000 supporters. At both rallies Humala hammered on the failings of Garcia's previous presidency and accused Garcia of having a pact with former Fujimori spy chief Montesinos. Humala continued his calls for a new Constitution and emphasized his plan for a "great transformation" that would abandon the "current neo-liberal economic model" and redistribute the country's wealth. He also pledged a "national crusade against corruption" starting with an audit of the regional governments, as well as jail time for regional officials found to have robbed money. (Note: A plurality of regional presidents are from Garcia's APRA party. End note.) In his Cuzco speech Humala asked those gathered not to get caught-up in violence on election day. 4. Humala held a press conference on 6/1, where he read a letter to Interior Minister Romulo Pizarro complaining about violent actions against his party and the slow pace of the investigation into the Cuzco confrontation which left two UPP supporters and a bystander injured (Ref B). In Cuzco, Humala visited one of the UPP local party leaders who was injured. Hundreds of National Police provided protection to Humala's motorcade as he traveled through Cuzco and there were no reports of violence associated with the motorcade or the rally. 5. Garcia, on 6/1, received endorsements from first-round losers Humberto Lay Sun and his evangelical National Restoration party, as well as from Martha Chavez of the pro-Fujimori Alliance for the Future. Chavez, however, was careful to note that her endorsement was personal, and not on behalf of the Fujimorista movement as a whole. 6. COMMENT: The presidential candidates offered no/no surprises in their closing rallies, with both Garcia and Humala repeating the main points of their respective campaigns and taking the usual swipes at each other. The choice of the country's next leader now falls to the Peruvian public. END COMMENT. STRUBLE =======================CABLE ENDS============================ id: 28458 date: 3/9/2005 22:57 refid: 05LIMA1190 origin: Embassy Lima classification: CONFIDENTIAL destination: 04LIMA3839 header: This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available. ----------------- header ends ---------------- C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 LIMA 001190 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/07/2015 TAGS: PGOV, ECON, EINV, ETRD, PE SUBJECT: FORMER PRESIDENT ALAN GARCIA TALKS POLITICS, TRADE WITH AMBASSADOR REF: A. 04 LIMA 3839 B. 04 LIMA 2405 C. 04 LIMA 1908 D. 04 LIMA 800 Classified By: Ambassador Curt Struble for Reason 1.4 (B, D) 1. (C) SUMMARY. The Ambassador met with former President Alan Garcia on 2/28 at APRA Party Headquarters. Garcia stressed the importance to APRA of forming inter-party alliances for the 2006 presidential campaign, and said he expected to enter into negotiations on an alliance with former President Paniagua later this year. Garcia conceded that President Toledo had done a decent job with the economy, and said that despite pressures to the contrary, Economic Minister Kuczynski was still trying to maintain fiscal discipline in Toledo's last year in office. Garcia predicted that Unidad Nacional legislator Antero Flores-Araoz would be re-elected as President of Congress, and said that President Toledo would definitely finish his term. He said FTA negotiations should be wrapped up with relative ease, but emphasized the importance to APRA of a good deal on agriculture. Garcia offered to assist Embassy's efforts in resolving the dispute between Exxon-Mobil and Peru's tax authority, SUNAT. END SUMMARY. ------------------ ELECTORAL POLITICS ------------------ 2. (C) Ambassador referred to the public statements Garcia had made recently about the need to form alliances for the 2006 presidential election, and asked how this might play out. Garcia said it was clear that in the current scenario no one party could expect to govern by itself. He recognized that he had to be more realistic than in 1985, when APRA thought it could change the world by itself. To the contrary, the party's lack of experience in government hurt it badly. Participating in a coalition, he said, would allow APRA to develop the executive skills of its cadres. He had tried to reach out to the Toledo Government in 2001 to help it achieve broader support, and the political situation could have been more stable now if Toledo had accepted his overtures. 3. (C) Garcia acknowledged that he was a lightning rod, and when he made public comments about forming political pacts, it was natural this would stimulate rejection and rhetoric by APRA's opponents. Fortunately, he had useful individuals like party Co-SecGen Jorge Del Castillo, who was able to serve as a bridge to other sectors, and when these matters were discussed in private, all the parties conceded that political alliances would be necessary. Important consultations involving himself, Unidad Nacional leader Lourdes Flores, and former Interim President Valentin Paniagua, had already taken place with businessmen and other sectoral leaders. 4. (C) Although he was personally impressed with Paniagua, Garcia noted that in a practical sense, he is a man without a party. (NOTE: Paniagua's once-dominant Popular Action Party now holds three of 120 seats in the Congress. END NOTE.) He said Paniagua wants to create a political front together with left-wing Congressman Javier Diez Canseco and former Mayor of Arequipa Juan Manuel Guillen. Garcia was dismissive of including Javier Diez Canseco, but was otherwise interested in being part of such a group. 5. (C) The Ambassador asked Garcia about his public statements six months ago on the possibility that APRA could form an alliance with the Peruvian Communist Party - Patria Roja (PCP-PR). Garcia said PCP-PR takes a pro-Chinese line, which is not necessarily a bad thing, when one looks at China's expanding engagement with the world through its investment policies. Garcia considered PCP-PR SecGen Alberto Moreno a bright, forward-thinking individual (he said Moreno would like to be Minister of Technology), as well as someone to be reckoned with, because of PCP-PR's domination of SUTEP, the national teacher's union. He suggested the Ambassador meet with Moreno some time. Garcia clarified, though, that he was not interested in an alliance with Patria Roja per se, but rather with moderate elements within the party who could help tame SUTEP. 6. (C) Garcia said SUTEP was divided internally between a dominant authoritarian group composed of PCP-PR and Sendero Luminoso elements, versus a democratic wing including many teachers who were Apristas. He said Toledo's education policies had been misguided, as he had tried to co-opt SUTEP by promising to double salaries and putting a few computers in the schools, but had not demanded improved performance in return. As a result, the teaching profession as a whole still constituted a mechanism for spreading subversion and hatred in the schools. 7. (C) Changes in the education system, said Garcia, would be APRA's second-biggest priority for the new government, after agricultural reform. That would only be possible by harnessing and allying with the moderate wing. He said his recent experience when meeting with Apristas in New York had brought home to him the importance of teaching English in Peru's schools as a means of getting ahead in the formal world economy. The English-speaking Apristas he talked with were businessmen and cardiologists, while the monolingual group was made up of house cleaners. 8. (C) Returning to electoral prospects, Garcia noted that Election Day in April 2006 was still 14 months away, and that to run a solid political campaign would take only two or three months. An extended campaign was against his interests, Garcia said, because he would be the flak catcher. Garcia hoped to shorten the active campaign by spending the time between now and October in a dialogue with Paniagua on the terms of a possible alliance. Looking at some of the other major players, he said that Hernando De Soto was a very sensible person who could be a key coalition member. Lourdes Flores had a small base and few political options. Lima Mayor Luis Castaneda was a good manager of a small operation, but was too obsessed with being President. The fact that the latter two were of the same political stripe constituted a problem for both. 9. (C) Garcia intended to work on a "minimum program" with a 10-point consensual agenda for Peru's political woes. (NOTE: This is an allusion to APRA founder Haya de la Torre's platform for the basic reforms needed to transform the Peruvian State. END NOTE.) If negotiations on an alliance were successful, Garcia could foresee a presidential ticket headed up by De Soto and Paniagua, with perhaps the second vice presidency reserved for APRA. More important to his party than the presidency was maintaining its base of 25 to 30 seats in the Congress. Garcia expected that by July, he and his chief advisors would sit down in a round of negotiations with Paniagua and five of his former ministers. ----------- THE ECONOMY ----------- 10. (C) Garcia reiterated previous comments (Reftels) that there was no point in beating up on President Toledo or trying to hound him from office. He conceded that Toledo had done a decent job with the economy, and said there was wide respect in the international financial community for Economic Minister Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (PPK). He said that even though most governments tended to loose sight of fiscal discipline in their last year in office, PPK was still trying to hold the line. Garcia perceived PPK's contradictory statements to the Congress about Toledo's ProPeru plan (the GOP's proposal to pay USD 30 monthly subsidies to Peru's poorest citizens) as an attempt to slow down the momentum of the program. Garcia thought ProPeru was ill-conceived and would create a beggar class, just as had been the case in Andalucia with similar programs of Spanish PM Felipe Gonzalez. He also worried that it would saddle the next government with huge costs. The main financial concern that Garcia saw for the GOP at present was a big increase in internal debt due to borrowing from pension funds (AFPs), which unlike foreign borrowing, is not subject to statutory limits. ------------ THE CONGRESS ------------ 11. (C) The Ambassador noted that behind the scenes, there seemed to be a spirit of cooperative inter-party relations in the Congress, and asked about what might happen in the next election for the Presidency of Congress in July. Garcia thought it likely that Antero Flores-Araoz would be re-elected as President. Flores-Araoz was a plain, simple and respectable man, under whose leadership the tone of debate had improved considerably from its previously conflictive state. He stressed that another term by Flores-Araoz should not be seen as threatening to President Toledo. Garcia did not think that Congressional censure would result from the scandal over the alleged use of faked voter signatures to register President Toledo's Peru Posible party in 1997-98, although he expected Toledo would have to answer these accusations after he left office. 12. (C) The Ambassador asked if there were still a chance that the Congress would endorse a constitutional reform reinstating the Peruvian Senate (eliminated under Fujimori). Garcia said the opportunity for this had passed in December, even though APRA Congressman Aurelio Pastor had worked hard in the Constitutional Committee to get the measure enacted. Opponents had spread the impression that bringing back the Senate would do nothing more than create 50 expensive political sinecures. Garcia considered this a shame, since the Senate could be a source of reflection, and shift the legislative focus away from the political scandal du jour. -------------------- FREE TRADE AGREEMENT -------------------- 13. (C) The Ambassador noted that the prospects looked good for finishing up the negotiations on the U.S.-Andean Free Trade Agreement (FTA) by June, which could lead to the pact being reviewed by the Peruvian Congress toward the end of the year. When asked how he viewed the FTA, Garcia said Commerce Minister Alfredo Ferrero had done well in the negotiations, and that most issues considered to be potentially contentious would be wrapped up with relative ease. IPR, for instance, was something for Brazilians and Frenchmen to worry about, not Peruvians. Garcia felt, however, that closing out agriculture would be rough, and that each side would still be pushing at the last hour to get whatever it could. APRA voters were particularly concerned about agricultural issues, and getting a couple of more years of protection for critical products could mean a lot to Peru. 14. (C) In terms of support for the implementation phase of the FTA, Garcia suggested Hernando De Soto could play an important role for both sides. He said De Soto was perceived by the press as a figure of substance, had good links to the U.S. economic community, and would carry more weight (and be seen as more impartial) than any of Toledo's ministers. Ambassador agreed that De Soto could be a useful FTA proponent, but suggested he would be better employed leading a discussion of complementary reforms, such as public education, investment guarantees, anti-corruption initiatives and an improved judiciary, that will be critical to ensuring that FTA benefits become institutionalized. ----------------------- EXXON-MOBIL TAX DISPUTE ----------------------- 15. (C) The Ambassador raised the dispute between Exxon-Mobil and Peru's tax authority SUNAT, outlining the fact that even though some relief had been achieved for companies selling fuel which is subsequently re-exported, Exxon-Mobil was unable to use its tax credit as currently constituted. He explained that additional remedial measures were under consideration in the Congress, but that APRA Congressman Juan Valdivia had opposed this action in the Economic Committee. Garcia said he would take the issue up, and promised to help with remedial legislation. Ambassador said he would forward copies of the relevant SUNAT decisions, plus a copy of the draft legislation (these have since been provided). -------------------- AMBASSADOR'S COMMENT -------------------- 16. (C) There are two categories of fools in Peru -- those who refuse to believe anything Alan Garcia says and those who accept him at face value. Most of the business community and virtually all of the established non-APRA politicians believe that Garcia,s tack toward economic moderation is completely insincere. I don,t agree; Garcia has learned some lessons from his failed administration, and a second factor is also at work. APRA,s traditional political stronghold is along the coast, which is the area that has benefited most from the free market, free trade policies of the past 10 years. That is having an impact on the party generally and on Garcia specifically. For all of that, I don,t have the sense that Garcia,s present advocacy of fiscal responsibility and pro-investment policies are so deeply rooted that they would withstand the political temptation of adopting a short-term outlook if he were in power. Garcia,s admiration of Hernando de Soto is genuine and -- interestingly enough -- is reciprocated to a fair degree. In private conversation with me, De Soto has recalled fondly his work with Garcia during the latter,s Presidency and his constructive relationship with APRA. (By contrast, the famous economist has nothing good to say about Toledo.) Still, De Soto is very wary of being used by Alan. 17. (C) The credibility of Garcia,s offer to take the junior role in a governing coalition is constantly undercut by APRA Congressmen who insist that their party must get the Presidency. I think that Garcia really is open to the idea, though not married to it. He realizes that his high negatives are likely to keep him from the Presidency unless he can overcome the public,s memories of his economically disastrous term. He is young enough to focus on his prospects in the Presidential election of 2011 rather than 2006, if participating in a coalition led by someone else can help him reform public perceptions of him. STRUBLE =======================CABLE ENDS============================ id: 76367 date: 8/28/2006 13:03 refid: 06LIMA3396 origin: Embassy Lima classification: CONFIDENTIAL destination: 06LIMA3283|06LIMA3385 header: VZCZCXYZ0000 RR RUEHWEB DE RUEHPE #3396/01 2401303 ZNY CCCCC ZZH R 281303Z AUG 06 FM AMEMBASSY LIMA TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 2033 INFO RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA 3816 RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 6953 RUEHBU/AMEMBASSY BUENOS AIRES 2558 RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 9740 RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ AUG QUITO 0638 RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 0810 RHEHAAA/NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WASHINGTON DC RUCPDOC/DEPT OF COMMERCE WASHINGTON DC RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASHDC RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC ----------------- header ends ---------------- C O N F I D E N T I A L LIMA 003396 SIPDIS SIPDIS COMMERCE FOR 4331/MAC/WH/MCAMERON USTR FOR BHARMAN AND MCARRILLO E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/24/2016 TAGS: TBIO, ETRD, ECON, PGOV, PE SUBJECT: BIO FOR GOP SPECIAL TRADE ENVOY HERNANDO DE SOTO REF: A. LIMA 3283 B. LIMA 3385 Classified By: Ambassador J. Curtis Struble, Reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 1. (U) Following is biographic information for Hernando de Soto, whom President Garcia on August 17 named as his "personal representative" to obtain the U.S. Congress' ratification of the U.S.-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement (PTPA), as per REF A. De Soto is also charged with developing the necessary internal reforms to allow as many Peruvians as possible the opportunity to benefit from the agreement. See REF B for analysis of De Soto's new role. 2. (U) Hernando DE SOTO Polar was born in Arequipa, Peru, on June 2, 1941. When De Soto was five years old, his father (a lawyer) was exiled from Peru following a military coup and moved to Geneva to work for the International Labor Organization (ILO). De Soto grew up and was educated in Europe, mainly in Switzerland, but spent his summers in Peru because his father wanted his boys to keep their Latin American culture. He did his post-graduate work at the Graduate Institute of International Studies (HEI) in Geneva, and then served as an economist for the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT, predecessor to the WTO), as President of the Executive Committee of the Copper Exporting Countries Organization (CIPEC), as managing director of Universal Engineering Corporation (Continental Europe's largest consulting engineering firm), and as a principal of the Swiss Bank Corporation Consultant Group. De Soto also financed projects in hydroelectric and nuclear power plants worldwide. 3. (U) In 1979, after a successful business career in Europe, De Soto returned to a Peru plagued by poverty and years of military rule. He did some work in the mining business, served as Governor of Peru's Central Reserve Bank, and became President Alberto Fujimori's personal representative and principal advisor in 1990. Some credit De Soto for changing Fujimori's economic policies from a Keynesian to a neoliberal approach, and convincing Fujimori that he had to abide by the rules set by the international financial institutions. These policies were responsible for the stabilization of Peru's economy and the taming of inflation, thereby allowing Peru to return to international financial markets. De Soto resigned from the GOP two months before Fujimori's self-coup in April 1992, reportedly due to differences with Fujimori's infamous de-facto National Security Advisor, Vladimir Montesinos. FROM THE SHINING PATH TO "THE OTHER PATH"... -------------------------------------------- 4. (U) De Soto is best-known for his continuing efforts to answer the question "why are some countries rich and some poor?" He founded the non-profit Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD) in 1980, and between 1988 and 1995, De Soto and ILD were responsible for some 400 initiatives, laws, and regulations aimed at modernizing Peru's economic system. In particular, ILD designed and ran the reform of Peru's property system which gave land titles to more than 1.2 million families and helped some 300,000 firms transition from the informal to the formal economy. This latter task was accomplished through the reduction of red tape and restrictive registration, licensing and permit laws that made the opening of new businesses excessively time-consuming and far more costly than most of the largely poor population of Peru could afford. De Soto also conceived Fujimori's counternarcotics strategy, one of the earliest efforts to combat drug trafficking by reducing coca farmers' dependence on the drug crop. De Soto and his admirers claim that these reforms played a major role in the decline of the Marxist Shining Path terrorist group, because, by granting titles to small coca farmers in the two main coca-growing areas, he deprived the Shining Path of safe haven, recruits and money. The Shining Path attempted to kill De Soto at least three times. 5. (U) De Soto's work attracted international attention, and some 30 heads of state have invited him to carry out programs in their countries (including Mexico, El Salvador, Egypt, the Philippines, Haiti, Tanzania, Russia, Ghana, and Indonesia). His admirers have included Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, Vladimir Putin, Hamid Karzai, the World Bank, and The Economist. Currently, de Soto and ILD are focused on designing and implementing capital formation programs to empower the poor in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle East, and former Soviet Nations. De Soto is also a commissioner of the ILO's World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization. 6. (U) De Soto has published two international best-sellers thus far which propose granting more access to financing to micro-enterprises in emerging markets, "The Other Path" (1989) and "The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else" (2000). These books argue that people in developing countries lack an integrated formal property system, leading to only informal ownership of land and goods. The lack of an integrated system of property rights makes it impossible for the poor to leverage their informal ownerships into capital (as collateral for credit), which De Soto claims would form the basis for entrepreneurship and poverty reduction. His books include blueprints for economic reform in the third world which focus on streamlining government, reducing red tape, and harnessing the strengths of the extended informal economies. POLITICAL ASPIRATIONS --------------------- 7. (C) De Soto also has sometimes revealed political aspirations. In January 2001, he announced the formation of his own political movement, Popular Capital, and attempted to join the presidential race. However, he was unable to collect the necessary signatures in time to register for the April 2001 elections and his movement quickly faded. Upon learning of De Soto's inability to register, Alan Garcia publicy offered de Soto the president slot on a De Soto-Garcia APRA (Garcia's party) ticket. De Soto told the Ambassador that APRA leaders formalized that offer, but that he declined because he would have been a figurehead president susceptible to the whims of disciplined APRA congressmen. De Soto told the Ambassador that before he accepted his current role, President Garcia had offered him the Prime Minister position. De Soto said he turned it down because he had invested years of effort building his and ILD's reputation, and he wanted to expend that capital wisely and not be held accountable for the APRA government's policies. He accepted his "president's personal representative" role because it allows him to avoid formal membership in the Garcia Administration while furthering ILD's objectives of bringing smaller businesses into the formal Peruvian economy so they can benefit from liberalized trade. 8. (U) De Soto is single (divorced) and speaks English fluently. His brother, Alvaro, is a career diplomat who has spent the last 24 years at the UN. Alvaro has held the rank of Under-Secretary-General at the UN since 1999, and has been the Secretary-General's Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process and his Personal Representative to the Palestinian Liberation Organization and Palestinian Authority since May 2005. AWARDS/RECOGNITION ------------------ 9. (U) In 1999, Time magazine chose Hernando de Soto as one of the five leading Latin American innovators of the 20th century, and in 2004, the magazine included him among the 100 most influential people in the world. De Soto was also listed as one of 15 innovators "who will reinvent your future" according to Forbes magazine's 85th anniversary edition. He was awarded the Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty in 2004, and in 2005, the readers of Prospect magazine (UK) and Foreign Policy (USA) ranked him among the top 13 "public intellectuals" in the world. De Soto has been nominated for the Nobel Prize in Economics several times, and was a finalist for the award in 2002. 10. (U) Some of the other prizes and honors de Soto has received include: the Freedom Prize (Switzerland), the Fisher Prize (UK), the Goldwater Award (USA), the Adam Smith Award of the Association of Private Enterprise Education (USA), the CARE Canada Award for Outstanding Development Thinking, the Templeton Freedom Prize (USA, 2004), a Royal Decoration from Thailand (2004), the Prize of Deutsche Stiftung Eigentum for exceptional contributions to the theory of property rights (Germany, 2004), the IPAE Award from the Peruvian Institute of Business Administration (2004), the Academy of Achievement's Golden Plate Award (USA, 2005), an Honorary Ph.D. from the University of Buckingham (UK, 2005), the Americas Award (USA, 2005), the BearingPoint/Forbes magazine's Compass Award for Strategic Direction (2005), and the Bradley Foundation's Bradley Prize for outstanding achievement (2006). He was also named the 2003 Downey Fellow at Yale University, inducted into the Democracy Hall of Fame International at the National Graduate University, and named a "Fellow of the Class of 1930" by Dartmouth College. STRUBLE =======================CABLE ENDS============================